Nikos Maziotis: Until the end of the sentence – Why we came here
Some time ago (26/2/2025), as I had published the text «Revolutionaries are not “corrected” nor “morally improved”»*, the Lamia Misdemeanor Council had rejected my request for conditional release for the umpteenth time. As I had also said, the fact that I will now serve my entire sentence, all 5/5, is the result of the general tightening, the last time, of penal and “penitentiary” repression, which in turn is a consequence of a long chain of socio-political evolution starting from the defeat of the social and popular uprising against the memoranda in 2010-2012. The retreat of social struggles and results in the state totalitarianism we live in today. However, I believe that part of this development towards the worst is the political defeat of the “movements” and resistance spaces that refused during the period of the anti-memorandum uprising in 2010-2012 to have a catalytic role and raise the issue of a subversive and revolutionary attempt at the time.
I will have to go back in history to understand what I mean. This retrospective has to do with the history of the Revolutionary Struggle, the context in which it acted, its proposals and the criminal treatment it has had throughout this period until today.
From 2003 to 2017, Revolutionary Struggle —the organization I was part of— was the greatest internal security threat to the regime in Greece, to the State, and to Capital. The history of the organization is placed within a specific historical context of socio-political conditions that were characterized, on the one hand, by the period of the rise of globalization, the dominance of neoliberalism and, at the same time, the existence of the war on “terrorism”, within a period where there was euphoria about the omnipotence of the system, and, on the other hand, by the period of the onset of the global economic crisis from 2008 onwards, which dramatically affected Greece. Within this historical context, the Revolutionary Struggle, after the uprising of December 2008, raised the issue of a revolutionary attempt in Greece in the favorable conditions for it, which were characterized by the debt crisis, bankruptcy, the political crisis of the representative system and the general delegitimization of the political-economic system in the eyes of the social majority due to the policies to address the crisis and the memorandum programs, the imposition of which the Revolutionary Struggle had predicted in 2009 when it had carried out the attack on the Athens Stock Exchange in September 2009.
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